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human rights

danay suarez

A lawsuit for Danay Suárez

por Gretchen Sánchez Higuera 28 junio 2020
escrito por Gretchen Sánchez Higuera

In the same way that George Floyd’s death was the catalyst for protests against racism in the United States, the homophobic comments of singer Danay Suárez in Cuba were the spark that reignited debate about the rights of the LGBT+ community. This dissatisfaction didn’t begin with the constitutional debate in late 2018, but much earlier. Some believe that the Danay Suárez phenomenon is the beginning of a series of actions by the Evangelical churches, intended to sabotage the right to same-sex marriage, one year before debate of the new Family Code begins.

In Cuba, it’s positive that the President himself has expressed his support for same-sex marriage. But this is not enough when the decision is up to a society which proves to be more conservative than one may think, and with a government which devotes more airtime to the eradication of the giant African snail than to raising awareness of the rights of the LGBT+ community.

Of almost 30 countries that recognize same-sex marriage in the world, only Ireland carried out a plebiscite about that right, and there’s a reason for that. There’s a nearly generalized consensus that this is a right that must be legislated and not voted on. It’s strange that, in an island where law decrees are the norm, the government should decide to stay out of this debate.

It’s paradoxical that even a religious state such as Israel should recognize same-sex marriages and a secular socialist state in the Caribbean should deny them. There are no civil weddings in Israel, and same-sex marriage is not accepted on a religious level. But if you get married abroad, both marriage and adoption are recognized when you return. The same precept does not apply in Cuba, although a few days ago the blog Q de Cuir announced encouraging news. After one year of waiting for a decision, the Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Ministry of Justice agreed to issue a birth certificate which named two female parents, rather than a different-sex couple. The baby, who was born to a Cuban mother and was registered in the United States, was recognized as having two mothers before Cuban law. However, the legal marriage of the two women is not recognized in the island. It’s undoubtedly only a partial decision.

Sectors of Cuban civil society try to advance a progressive legality.

On June 15, 2020, the United States Supreme Court interpreted that discrimination on the basis of sex should also be understood to mean sexual orientation or gender identity. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 will now protect workers from arbitrary dismissals due to discrimination.

One day later, on June 16, the 11M Cuba Movement began to gather signatures on the change.org online platform with the purpose of informing public opinion, reflecting and multiplying solidarity with the LGBTQ+ community in Cuba. The petition is addressed to the National Assembly of People’s Power, the body which, in the absence of a Constitutional Court, shall interpret and draw up the country’s laws. Until now, about 2000 people have signed it, a not inconsiderable amount if we keep in mind that the online platform is blocked for Cuba and that Cubans must use a VPN to subscribe to the petition.

Since there’s no Constitutional Court in Cuba, the decisions concerning basic rights must wait for a legislative schedule in which there are other priorities, so one idea that the 11M Cuba Movement highlights in its petition is that the rights should not go to a referendum and that the adoption of same-sex marriage or civil unions should be a decision in the hands of the National Assembly.

The text Danay shared on her Facebook profile is not only implicitly homophobic but also the scorn of the feminist movement and of people who are pro-choice regarding abortions. Perhaps because of what will be at stake in about a year, the popular reaction has focused its repudiation on the homophobia, and not so much on the attempt to unify pedophilia with feminism and abortion rights.

I’m not sure that the post shared by Danay Suárez is an attempt by some religious denominations in Cuba to manipulate public opinion, and ultimately the results of the 2021 plebiscite with respect to the Family Code. In case this theory is verified, and the goal should be to have an influence on a legal process such as the plebiscite, inquiries should be made regarding the legality of that action. The Cuban State should also make a pronouncement about that.

On June 19, the doctor and activist for LGBTIQ+ rights Alberto Roque Guerra published on his Facebook profile the lawsuit or legal action he started against rapper Danay Suárez for defamation.

There are many diverging opinions. Some argue that the plaintiff is an extremist, in the same way Danay was when she related pedophilia, or the MAP movement (Minor-Attracted Persons) with the LGBT+ community. One might even consider that the lawsuit violates the singer’s freedom of expression. It is also not kept in mind that Danay shared a post she didn’t create, and if we follow the policy adopted by many Twitter users that sharing is not the same as endorsing (RT ≄ endorsement), there’s no legal way to connect Danay with the views laid out in the post.

This said, we must reanalyze the consequences of adopting homophobic stances in a socialist society, in which, above all, equality among human beings is sought. Danay uses her public position to advance agendas that limit the rights of social minorities, and she justifies her stance with the Christian faith that cannot be predominant or authoritative in a secular society.

I believe celebrities have the right to defend certain values and policies, but this cannot be translated into limiting other people’s rights. It’s incorrect to allow, out of respect for the freedom of expression of others, comments that damage the integrity and reputation of movements accumulating decades of struggle for the obtainment of rights many of us take for granted.

Danay Suárez’s behavior was, at the very least, VERY irresponsible.

And although she offered a public apology and tried to clarify her point against pedophilia, libel is a criminal offense. In this case, some legal instruments could be applied, although all of them would ultimately depend on the interpretation of a judge. Article 295 of the Penal Code, in force since 1987, imposes sanctions of six months to two years’ imprisonment to anyone who discriminates or incites discrimination, but it does not specify whether this applies to discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender.

Danay’s stance also violates Article 42 of the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, which refers to equal treatment of all persons by the Law. This Article does recognize discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity as an offense.

If we continue down the logical path of the Constitution, the Cuban State should take on the responsibility of guaranteeing the equality of its citizens, in this case by legislating in favor of same-sex marriage. Article 44 of the Constitution says that: ‘The State puts into effect the right to equality with the implementation of public policies and laws to promote social inclusion and the safeguarding of the rights of the people whose conditions so require’. This Article should be used by the LGBT+ community in Cuba to demand legislation without having to wait for a Family Code and a subsequent plebiscite.

For Roque Guerra, Danay Suárez also violates Article 45, which refers to the limitation of rights (in this case to expression and creed) when they infringe upon the rights of other people with a sexual orientation other than heterosexual. Roque uses the legal framework provided in Article 99 of the current Constitution, which establishes the right to demand in court the restitution of rights and the consequent moral reparations.

On the other hand, Decree 370 of 2018, in its Article 68, item i), establishes as an offense: ‘to disseminate, through the public data transmission networks, information contrary to the social interest, morals, decency and the integrity of persons’. However, it doesn’t mention violations associated with discrimination or incitement to hate, as the laws which regulate freedom of expression usually specify.

Having said this, it’s not prudent either to yield to the temptation of applying Decree 370. Danay made a mistake and then tried to rectify and offer apologies. This must also be taken into account. This lawsuit may alienate people of Evangelical faith, instead of making them relate to the struggle of the LGBT+ community. An internal war could break out between Evangelicals and the rest of society, which doesn’t favor the climate for a future Family Code. If we don’t estrange or further radicalize social groups within a society, it will be easier to attain the common good.

This is a complex phenomenon, and it is necessary to mention all of its elements. The girl, who is also a public personality, made a mistake and apologized. We’re approaching a debate about the Family Code which won’t be simple or unanimous. Ambiguity and a discretionary use of Law Decree 370 threaten fundamental rights such as freedom of expression. Are we going to justify its application now because there’s damage to the reputation of a legitimate movement such as the one in favor of rights for the LGBT+ community in Cuba? And then what? Will we also justify its application against stances that are critical of the Cuban government?

Regulating social media is a debate that’s ongoing in many countries. Facebook and other social networks must be regulated in order to avoid the dissemination of hate messages and other forms of violence and discrimination. We already know how social media can be used to construct enemies which later attract real violence. I believe Cuba must keep an eye on what is regulated in this regard. The most important thing is to control in time a problem that’s rapidly growing worldwide.

Danay’s case has to serve as a wake-up call for the Cuban government. When religious fundamentalism takes over and dominates debate in a society which identifies as secular, the State must come into play and put a stop to it. The Cuban State, so sensitive to the negative propaganda the US government spreads about religious liberties in Cuba, should pronounce on this heated topic in the national public agenda, and which concerns the freedoms of its citizens, all the more so on the eve of a legislative debate on the subject. On this occasion, and no matter how complicated it may be, it should step in and show its revolutionary nature.

* Correction: the lawsuit is not related to defamation but insult.

28 junio 2020 3 comentarios 480 vistas
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relativity

Our theory of relativity

por Alina Bárbara López Hernández 14 diciembre 2019
escrito por Alina Bárbara López Hernández

The United Nations was founded in 1945 as part of the system of organizations and treaties that emerged after the Second World War. In that same year, and spanning part of the next, the trials of Nazi war criminals were held in the German city of Nuremberg.

Although the crimes against the Jewish population were known, their magnitude could only be demonstrated after the war. The material evidence obtained at the terrible extermination camps, in addition to the testimonies of survivors, allowed the world to describe those events then and forever as a holocaust.

In the statements by the accused and their attorneys at the international court which carried out the proceedings, the argument was presented once and again —in an attempt to justify what happened— that they acted in strict compliance of German Law.

Indeed, between 1933 and 1939, Adolf Hitler’s government had passed extensive anti-Hebrew legislation made up by more than 400 government decrees and regulations that wove a discriminatory network from the municipal to the national level.

No aberrant decision was made without its corresponding legal protection. Separate zones of residence, the obligation to identify themselves with the Star of David, the confiscation of property, the prohibition of marrying non-Hebrews, the removals from the faculties of universities and schools, the exclusion from the civil service at all levels, the mandatory sterilization, the transfer to concentration camps…

The argument of having obeyed the Law as a justification for the crimes was not accepted by the international court at Nuremberg. It contended that no particular legislation could infringe on the inherent human rights of people, which were considered to be universal.

As a result of these debates, on December 10, 1948, exactly 71 years ago, at the third UN General Assembly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was approved.

Cuba was a founding member of the UN Human Rights Commission and a signatory state of the UDHR. The negotiations corresponded to the administration of Ramón Grau, who subscribed the document.

The UDHR is a historical landmark. It was written by representatives of all regions of the world, with diverse legal and cultural backgrounds. The text is inspired by the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. It is proclaimed as a common, universal ideal, for which all peoples and nations should strive, so that both individuals and institutions may promote it by means of teaching, education and respect. They are fundamental rights, with such a universal nature that they must be protected worldwide.

It was approved with no votes against at the UN General Assembly. Only eight countries abstained: South Africa, which by then was beginning to apply the segregationist policy of apartheid; Saudi Arabia, where slavery was legal; and the countries that were starting to form the socialist bloc: Belarus, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Ukraine, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.[1]

This being a widely known historical event, it was decidedly poorly explained on a recent special program in Cuban television. It was broadcast last November 7, on the occasion of the voting on the Resolution against the US blockade of Cuba, and presenter Humberto López, who, incidentally, graduated from Law school, stated that ‘human rights are a cultural construction’. The communicator argued that they don’t mean the same in China or other countries, as they do in Cuba.

This profoundly relativistic attitude has deep roots in anthropological science, specifically in the points of view of the American school of historical ethnology, or historical particularism, whose leading figure was Franz Boas (1858-1942).

This also happened in other sciences, like Philosophy, Sociology and History, for example. After the crumbling of real socialism, that perspective was reinforced as part of the postmodern wave. It would transmit to science an agnostic attitude and would deny traditional sources.

For Social Anthropology, however, historical particularism was positive. Boas, rejecting the ethnocentricity of previous anthropological schools of thought, denied the existence of world levels in cultural development. He believed that, in order to reconstruct the history of humanity, one had to begin by separately studying the history of each people. In his opinion, each culture was the unique result of a set of factors and exclusive conditions which could only be understood on the basis of their own rules.

These theses equally promoted a trend that took the fundamental propositions of particularism to their extreme. This was called Cultural Relativism. The two statements at its core are: ‘All cultural systems are inherently equal in value’ and ‘any cultural model is inherently as deserving of respect as the others’.

The advocates of the relativistic trend state that all criteria for the evaluation of a culture are relative, since they originate in the members of other cultures. There are no values or customs which are bad or good, better or worse, inferior or superior, only different. Such a stance, though it rejects ethnocentricity and cultural imperialism, has caused damage in the assessment of topics related to the universal rights of human beings.

If one assumes a relativistic stance, it would be impossible to criticize cultural practices such as female genital mutilation, which causes thousands of deaths and health complications every year; or selective infanticide, among other cultural traditions which infringe human rights, such as the right to life, reproductive freedom, etc.

When applied to political practice, this perspective would justify decisions that breach rights, such as the one restricting freedom of movement, just to mention a controversial example in Cuba-US relations. The North would not be able to criticize Cuba for preventing selected individuals from travelling abroad, while the island would be unable to complain that the US government forbids its citizens from freely travelling there as tourists.

If we continue down this path, we would prove that the debate between the universal character of human rights and the relativistic stance does not resist serious analysis, although we must equally stress that no nation can invoke the UDHR to intervene in another’s affairs using their non-observance of it as a pretext. However, international bodies have the function of accompanying and insisting on the observance of these principles, in any culture and in any system.

[1] Ukraine and Belarus had seats at the UN at the time as a result of initial negotiations, even though they were part of the USSR.

(Translated from the original)

14 diciembre 2019 1 comentario 645 vistas
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question

A capital question

por Yassel Padrón Kunakbaeva 8 diciembre 2019
escrito por Yassel Padrón Kunakbaeva

The founding of a republic is no trifle and there are always questions about it. It’s one of the most significant moments in the history of a society. The mistake is often made of analyzing such an event merely as a legal act, recognizing the direct intervention of the people in a Constitutional Assembly. And thus one sidesteps, however, the multiple historical processes which come together in that foundation. For a true republic to be born, one always needs an epic, an act of historic creation in which at least part of society actively participates.

So we see that the most important modern republics were born out of revolutions. Such is the case of the French and American republics, for example. In the case of Spain, the proclamation of the Second Republic was the beginning of an arduous transformation process which, one might say, was in fact a revolution; one that began to shape a future republic. But even when there’s no proper revolution to speak of, the birth of a new republic must be accompanied by a civic movement, by the appearance of a national conscience which takes shape in the constitutional text.

As it usually happens, the significance of this moment, one of the most meaningful juridical events, goes well beyond the purely legal. And this makes sense, because in the act of founding a new republic, not only is a new legality being constituted, but also the legitimacy that legality will have. Such an event necessitates a legitimizing discourse that takes root in the collective conscience with the force of a new myth. For the strength and future health of a republic, the legality of the process that lead to its foundation is not as important as the blood that was spilled for it and the scale of participation in the struggle to attain it. This is so because only when the legitimizing discourse connects with the experiences of the people who lived through a process of social transformation, will it acquire enough power to establish the supremacy of the new laws.

What am I driving at? Lately, when I read the opinions some share in the social networks on a variety of topics, which bring up the deficiencies of the rule of law in Cuba, I get the feeling that something very important is being forgotten. Not that it’s unimportant to demand human rights, including the so-called civil rights: freedom of expression, freedom to demonstrate, freedom of the press and freedom of association, among others. The problem is there’s another right that must be defended as fervently as the rest, lest the republic lose its way: the right to a community governed by social justice.

The civil rights I mentioned above do not protect people from the asymmetries routinely generated by the capitalist society. They barely offer them a small window of opportunity to try to improve their situation. But when those asymmetries become more acute, a large part of the population effectively loses the possibility of exercising full citizenship, for one cannot be a citizen without the basic material sustenance.

In the developed world, where the global value chains generate a large accumulation of capital, the effect of this is muted. A large part of the population can exercise their citizenship effectively and the republic survives. But in Latin America, experience shows that peripheral capitalism, with its oligarchic, landowning, colonial, patriarchal and exploitative order, casts a considerable sector of the population into such exclusion and economic precariousness that it prevents them from living as full citizens. That’s why Mariátegui said that ‘the Latin American republics have been nothing but false republics’.

In Latin America, the civil rights discourse plays a much more perverse role than in the developed world. While over there in the North the historical circumstances forced the bourgeoisie to surrender part of its privileges and thus fulfill the republican promise, over here in the South the oligarchies have always understood the republic as their republic. They then use the civil rights discourse to whitewash their political systems; it’s a way of telling the poor, the farmers, the Indians and the women: ‘you have the same rights we have, don’t ask for more’, while in practice they deny them all the material possibilities to exercise citizenship. Of course, distinctions should be made within the whole of Latin America across a range of nuances, counter-hegemonic moments and partial revolutions, but that’s too complex to do here.

In Cuba, before the Revolution, the same thing happened as in the rest of Latin America, apart from those nuances. Despite the popular nature of our wars for liberation, and the radical character of Martí’s republican and democratic proposal, the US guaranteed with their intervention that the first Cuban republic were born in full Latin American style. The domestic oligarchy, mainly connected to sugar, used the republican discourse in a way that was demagogic, classist and exclusive.

Now, connecting with the initial consideration on the foundation of a republic, what happens when —as it is customary in Latin America— the legitimizing discourse of the republic has no basis in the experience of the people?

A lot of blood was spilled and many myths were created in the formation of the Latin American republics. However, if one looks closely, one will see that the oligarchies were always quick to throw the most popular contents of the thought and discourse generated during the struggles for independence into the trash heap of history. Bolívar died believing he had been plowing in the sea. Quintín Banderas was killed, essentially, for being black. The new discourse of oligarchies was always a dishonest diatribe, and the discourse of the republic and civil rights became a tall story, with barely any basis in popular experience.

These false republics, in addition to being distinguished by the practical exclusion of a large part of the population, have lacked the strength of a truly sovereign republic. The contradiction between the legitimizing discourse promoted by the ruling classes and the life experience of the common people, has doomed them to suffering from chronic weakness. The hegemony crises in those political systems are cyclical.

In Cuba, the political systems of the first and second republics suffered the same crises, for similar reasons. The demagogic use that the ruling classes made of the republican discourse had a detrimental effect on the very hegemony of those classes. The fact that the biggest crises happened not during ‘democratic’ times, but during dictatorial episodes may cause confusion, and some have chosen to interpret that as proof of the republican fervor of the Cuban people. But the dictatorships of Gerardo Machado and Batista were part of the same system that prevailed during regular republican periods, since they were solutions found by the dominant classes themselves to their inner contradictions. In general, all of the republican period was customarily considered corrupt and false.

Which right was violated the most in Cuba before the Revolution? Same as it happens today in Latin America, the right to a community governed by social justice was swept aside in Cuba. Without that social justice, the peasants had little use for the right to have freedom of the press or the right to free association. Without the material institution of a community able to exercise citizenship, the establishment by law of an ideal community with full rights was pointless.

At this point, I know the advocates of the 1940 Constitution will want to crucify me. They will say that my criticism perhaps fits the first republic, but not the second, which was born out of the Revolution of the 1930s, and which had a Constitution that wasn’t exactly liberal, but was a world pioneer as to the inclusion of social rights. They will say that the fall of the second republic was not brought about by its internal contradictions, but by those who buried it, beginning with Batista.

Yes, the 1940 Constitution brought social rights to the fore. In many ways, it was a taste of what was to come. But something was missing. The Constituent Assembly was not forged in the heat of the Revolution of the 1930s, or during the Hundred Days’ Government, but under the administration of Batista, when the bourgeoisie had the situation under control. The social rights arrived like just another bit of discourse, while the people didn’t have the experience of having truly conquered those rights. In practice, the Revolution of the 1930s had ‘flown away in the wind’. Guiteras had been killed at El Morrillo.

Most of the progressive measures of the 1940 Constitution remained only on paper. It couldn’t be otherwise, for the power of the Cuban bourgeoisie and its omnipresent ally, the American companies, was left untouched. If all of the property in the country was in the hands of those entities, and if the experience the people had was one of respecting that private property, on what life experience could one construct the social rights discourse in the second republic? It was a stronger republic than the first one, undoubtedly, but it didn’t reach the might of an authentic sovereign republic. The March 10 coup revealed how the ruling classes held that republic hostage. It was a plaything for them to institute or violate at will.

Only the Revolution that triumphed on January 1st, 1959 broke the vicious circle of our false republics. For the first time, the right to a community governed by social justice became the country’s core value, which drove the nascent revolution to tackle each of the forms of asymmetry that affected Cuban society. It stood up to racism, landowners, the exploitation of women, and finally, it came up against the underlying cause of the unfair social order that existed in Cuba: American capital. To be able to found a real and material community of free men and women, the first step was returning the country’s resources and economy into the hands of the nation.

That’s why, when I reflect on the inalienability of human rights —keeping history in mind—, I also think about the right every people has to life, and to building a harmonious community with social justice. Defending that right, in the specific case of Cuba and Latin America, means defending the right the Cuban Revolution had to take the companies and the resources away from the Americans and the domestic bourgeoisie, even through the use of violence.

For me, that question is a deal-breaker. It’s a question I ask in conversation: Do you defend the right the Cuban Revolution had to seize the properties of Americans and the bourgeoisie, even through the use of violence? When someone answers affirmatively, then I can really believe they care about the common people. That person and I can then talk about human rights, and wonder why the new republic born out of the revolution regressed in something as important as civil rights. We may debate profound issues.

But when someone says: ‘no, they shouldn’t have done that, it was an excess of Fidel’, then that person and I don’t have much left to discuss, for I recognize a person to whom human rights are nothing more than a spearhead to try to undermine the Cuban system.

Donald Trump and Marco Rubio do not care about democracy or human rights in Cuba. Their math is strictly election-driven. Behind them there are other forces interested in punishing the Cuban indiscipline. Faced with the challenges to American hegemony which are appearing across the continent, they want to use Cuba to send a disciplinary message: ‘See what happens to those who stand against us. They live in misery and eventually have to come around and bend the knee’. It is essential to realize that they represent the absolute worse threat to our possible democracy.

The strength of the Cuban system lies in the fact that it built a powerful legitimizing discourse, based on the experience of a generation which took control of its country and started a process of popular emancipation. With the blood and the ideas of the heroes, they laid the foundations to build a truly sovereign republic, an extremely hard thing to do in this part of the world. Having then lacked the knowledge or the ability to build a republic that lived up to those foundations is a whole different story.

Human rights advocates often see things only partially, and they underestimate the danger that contemptuous North represents to any possible Cuban republic. At the same time, they hold in high esteem the civil rights discourse, whose performance for the benefit of the popular classes in our region has been mediocre, and they turn a blind eye to what’s right in front of them: the Cuban Revolution with its anti-colonial and counter-hegemonic character. They fail to see that, in our context, the civil rights discourse will be insufficient to found a truly sovereign republic, while it will be effective as a platform for the restoration of the same powers that existed before the Revolution.

Only by raising both flags will we advance in the right direction: the inalienable rights of each individual and the right to a community governed by social justice. That’s why, to clear the way, I always repeat the question: Do you defend the right the Cuban Revolution had to seize the properties of Americans and the bourgeoisie, even through the use of violence?

(Translated from the original)

8 diciembre 2019 1 comentario 506 vistas
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Internacionalizar la lucha por el regreso de LOS CINCO

por Consejo Editorial 12 septiembre 2013
escrito por Consejo Editorial

cinco-heroes-cubanosPor: Osvaldo Manuel Álvarez Torres  (Master en Filosofía del Derecho)

Se cumplen el12 de septiembre, 15 años del arresto, que derivó en amañado proceso judicial, en injusto encarcelamiento, en ilegal secuestro, de cinco luchadores cubanos contra el terrorismo: Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Fernando González, Antonio Guerrero y René González. Cuatro de ellos, siguen, después de 15 largos años, diseminados en cárceles de la geografía norteamericanas.

 René, ya en Cuba, luego de extinguir íntegramente la pena impuesta, es hoy el abanderado de sus hermanos, que como bien ha dicho Gerardo, han sido y seguirán siendo LOS CINCO, para cientos de miles de personas que en el mundo, claman por su regreso ya, a la Patria.

 Como se conoce, LOS CINCO fueron sentenciados a penas que oscilaron desde 15 años de prisión hasta dos cadenas perpetuas más 15 años, por monitorear y alertar a Cuba, sobre actividades violentas planeadas por grupos extremistas anticubanos asentados en el sur de la Florida.

Continuar leyendo

12 septiembre 2013 34 comentarios 702 vistas
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Ayúdanos a ser sostenibles

Somos una organización sin fines de lucro que se sostiene con donaciones de entidades e individuos, no gobiernos. Apoya nuestra independencia editorial.

11 años en línea

11 años en línea

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La Joven Cuba es un equipo de investigación y análisis político que trabaja por un país justo, democrático y sostenible. Con una plataforma digital y un equipo especializado en el análisis de la realidad cubana, aspiramos a ser punto de enlace entre la sociedad civil y los decisores, mediante la investigación y la generación de conocimiento sobre la aplicación de políticas públicas.

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